[2011.09.03] 新的中产阶级出现

引用 kool 2011-9-3 01:28

本帖最后由 kool 于 2011-9-3 01:29 编辑

：0

引用 Sophia2011 2011-9-3 04:01

本帖最后由 Sophia2011 于 2011-9-3 04:06 编辑

楼主真是神速！

1.题目：
The new middle classes rise up
新的中产阶级出现
新中产阶级的出现？

2. 第二段，

the distribution of 2G mobile-telecoms spectrum licences
2G移动电信运营牌照的发放
2G移动电信频谱牌照的发放？

第六段，

while public spending is (mostly) under control.
而公关支出（大部分）得到控制
而公共支出（大部分）得到控制（公关可能为笔误吧？）

by the growing ranks of their middle classes
因不断增长的中产阶级规模
因中产阶级不断提高的社会地位？

引用 join_soon 2011-9-3 04:17

回复 xb3031 的帖子

Politics in emerging markets
新兴市场的政治

The new middle classes rise up
新的中产阶级出现

Marx’s revolutionary bourgeoisie finds its voice again
马克思主义革命的中产阶级再一次表达他们的愿望

Sep 3rd 2011 | from the print edition



THE past four years have seen a sharp contrast between recession-hit rich countries and buoyant emerging giants. This year the rich countries’ economic woes have spilled over to their politics, too: European governments are bogged down in the euro crisis while America brought upon itself a sovereign-debt downgrade. But the woe is not all on one side. Despite their economic achievements, the likes of China, India, Indonesia and Brazil—to say nothing of the Middle East—are suffering discontent almost as profound as the malaise in the West.

四年以来，发达国家遭遇的经济衰退和新兴国家蓬勃发展之间形成鲜明对比。今年，发达国家的经济困境已经波及到政治领域：欧洲多国政府因欧元危机陷入停滞，同时美国政局因 brought upon itself 主权债务信誉降级而备受困扰。但是，困境不仅仅只出现在发达国家。像中国、印度、印度尼西亚和巴西——且不讨论中东地区——抛开这些国家的经济成就不说，同样也经受着大众的不满，与西方国家存在的诟病一样。

In India the Congress-led government of Manmohan Singh has faced its biggest challenge so far from mass demonstrations by supporters of Anna Hazare, a veteran anti-corruption campaigner who went on hunger strike in Delhi. This week Mr Hazare halted his strike with a cup of honeyed coconut water after the government agreed to pass tougher laws against graft. The protests were the culmination of a sequence of huge corruption scandals, from last year’s Commonwealth games in Delhi to the distribution of 2G mobile-telecoms spectrum licences. “What you are seeing on the street is a middle-class rebellion,” says Mohan Guruswamy, a former official at the finance ministry.

以曼莫汉•辛格(Manmohan Singh)为首、国会领导的印度政府面临着有史以来最大的挑战：安纳•哈扎尔（Anna Hazare）的支持者进行大规模的抗议示威，安纳•哈扎尔（Anna Hazare）是反腐运动的老手，在德里进行了绝食抗议。本周，在政府同意通过更为严格的反对贪腐法律后，哈扎尔停止了绝食抗议，喝了一杯蜂蜜椰子汁。此次抗议是一系列巨大的腐败丑闻的高潮：从去年在德里举行的英联邦运动会到2G移动电信运营牌照的发放。财政部的前官员Mohan Guruswamy 说：“大街上抗议者都是中产阶级。”

Rebellion is in the air in China, too. In mid-August one of the largest demonstrations since the Tiananmen Square protests took place on the streets of Dalian, a north-eastern boomtown, which forced the authorities to shut down a chemical factory that had been damaged in a storm. Demonstrations and capitulations on this scale, though not unprecedented, are highly unusual. This one was reminiscent of the outcry that took place in 2007, in the southern city of Xiamen, over plans for a similar project. That event is usually seen as the first big example of a new willingness by China’s middle class to confront the government over environmental abuses. Moreover, the Dalian protest erupted only weeks after an explosion of popular anger, mostly expressed through micro-blogging services such as Sina Weibo, which blamed official neglect for a rail crash between two new high-speed trains that killed 39 people. The criticism was so widespread that even state-supervised media joined in.

中国也发生了抗议行为。8月中旬，在东北新兴都市的大连爆发了自天安门事变以来的最大规模的抗议示威活动，迫使当局关闭了一家在暴雨中损毁的化工厂。这种规模的群众示威和政府妥协虽然不是空前的，但是却是及其不寻常的。本次示威活动让人想起2007年因相同的项目而发生在中国南方城市厦门的强烈抗议。这次事件被看作是中国中产阶级在面对政府滥用环境问题上新的意愿的第一大例子。而且，大连抗议事件仅仅在大众怒火爆发后的几周内爆发，主要是通过诸如新浪微博这样的微型博客服务来表达，新浪微博就是责怪官员对两列新的高速火车相撞造成39人死亡的忽视。批评声广泛传播，以至于国家监督的媒体也加入进来。

The crash was the more sensitive because, in February, China’s parliament had sacked the minister responsible for building the high-speed network. He was accused of skimming off 1 billion yuan ($152m) in bribes and of keeping 18 mistresses. Another top official in the rail ministry was later dismissed for corruption, and state auditors said millions had been embezzled from the high-speed network.

动车相撞事故更加敏感的原因是，二月份中国国会上（十一届全国人大常委会第十九次会——译者注），罢免了负责建造高速铁路网络的铁道部部长职务。他被指控贪污10亿元（1520万美元）以及有18个情人。随后铁道部另一个高级官员因贪污被免职，国家审计人员说高速铁路系统中上百万资金被挪用。

That story has some echoes in Brazil, where an orgy of ministerial sackings has been in full swing. Since June, President Dilma Rousseff has fired her chief of staff, the minister of transport, dozens of officials at that ministry and the deputy minister of agriculture, all of whom have been subject to various allegations of misconduct. The minister of agriculture himself resigned. More than 30 officials at the tourism ministry, including the deputy minister, have been arrested on suspicion of theft. Again, this is not the first corruption scandal on such a scale—a former president, Fernando Collor de Mello, was impeached on corruption charges—and a big difference between Brazil and elsewhere is that the president seems to be leading the charge to clean things up. Still, this is easily Ms Rousseff’s biggest challenge since she took office eight months ago.

巴西也存在同样的问题，内阁解雇的浪潮达到了顶峰。自6月以来，总统迪尔玛•罗塞夫(Dilma Rousseff)已经解雇了最高行政官、交通部长和交通部门的很多官员，以及农业部副部长，他们都是因为各种各样不端行为而下台。农业部部长自己请辞。超过30名旅游部官员，包括副部长因涉嫌盗窃而被捕。而且，这不是第一次这么大规模的腐败——前总统费尔南多•科洛尔•德梅洛（Fernando Collor de Mello）因腐败指控而遭到弹劾——而且巴西和其他国家的一个比较大的区别在于，似乎是总统领导来解决事情，但这无疑是罗塞夫八个月前就职总统以来最大挑战。

Bourgeois boom
中产阶级急速增长

In rich countries the humbling of governments has been largely a result of economic slowdown, combined with problems in controlling public finances. Emerging markets, in contrast, have kept growth going, while public spending is (mostly) under control. The explanation for their political woes must lie elsewhere. The most plausible one is that India and China—and possibly other emerging markets, too—are experiencing the early stirrings of political demands by the growing ranks of their middle classes.

在发达国家，政府的耻辱主要是经济下滑的结果和控制公共财政的问题。相反的是，新兴市场保持经济增长，而公关支出（大部分）得到控制。政治困境的原因必定在其他方面。印度和中国最可能出现的就是因不断增长的中产阶级规模而对政治需求，当然可能其他新兴国家也存在。

According to Martin Ravallion of the World Bank, the middle classes (defined as people earning between $2 and $13 a day) trebled in number between 1990 and 2005 in developing Asia to 1.5 billion; they rose from 277m in Latin America to 362m over the same period; and in sub-Saharan Africa from 117m to 197m. Newer estimates from the Asian and African Development Banks, using a definition of $2-20 a day, confirm the picture (see chart 1). They show that the middle classes (which, on their definitions, include many only just out of poverty) accounted for a third of Africa’s population in 2008, three-quarters of Latin America’s and almost 90% of China’s.

根据世界银行的马丁•拉瓦雷（Martin Ravallion）估计，每天收入在2美元到13美元之间的中产阶级，亚洲发展国家中从1990到2005年之间增长了三倍，达到了15亿，同期拉丁美洲的中产阶级人口从2.27亿增长到3.62亿，而撒哈拉以南非洲中产阶级人口从1.17亿增长到1.97亿。亚洲和非洲发展银行较新的估计显示，如果将中产阶级定义为每日收入在2美元到20美元之间的话，同样证实了以上的说法（见图表），在2008年，中产阶级（以他们的定义来算，其中还包括很多仅仅脱离贫困线的人）的人口达到了非洲人口的三分之一，拉丁美洲人口的四分之三以及差不多90%的中国人口。

      

Polling evidence says middle-class values are distinctive. In a survey of 13 emerging markets by the Pew Global Attitudes Project in Washington, DC, the middle classes consistently give more weight to free speech and fair elections than do the poor, who are more concerned than the middle class about freedom from poverty (see chart 2). These differences hardly come as a shock. But they still matter because they mean that as the middle class grows, abstract ideas about governance come to play a bigger role in politics.

民调显示中产阶级的价值观念是与众不同的。位于华盛顿的皮尤全球态度调查对13个新兴国家进行的一项调查显示，中产阶级在言论自由和公平选举方面要比无产阶级更加看重，而无产阶级比中产阶级更加关心摆脱贫穷（见图表2）。这些区别看起来很平常，但是却存在一定的影响，因为这些区别意味着当中产阶级增多，关于管理的抽象观念将在政治中扮演越来越重要的角色。

That seems to be happening now. Manu Joseph, editor of Open, an Indian weekly magazine, calls the protests in support of Mr Hazare “a self-righteous middle-class uprising”. The protests were unusually effective partly because they were broadcast round the clock on cable TV, which is widely watched by the middle classes. Demonstrators have included icons of India’s new bourgeoisie, such as businessmen in suits and Bollywood stars, but few dhoti-clad farmers.

这似乎正在发生，印度周刊《开放》的编辑Manu Joseph为了支持哈扎尔将抗议称之为“一场自以为是的中产阶级起义”。此次抗议成效显著，部分原因是他们通过有限电视24小时直播抗议活动，大范围的中产阶级能够通过电视看到抗议活动。示威者中包括印度新中产阶级的象征，诸如穿制服的商人和宝莱明星，但是却鲜有衣着朴素的农民。

Dalian in China is a wealthy port city, long associated with the rising middle class. “Their influence over the government is far greater than the ordinary people’s,” says Yang Yang, of China University of Political Science and Law in Beijing. The high-speed rail system is mostly a middle-class concern, because China’s new elite are the only ones who can afford the tickets. Pan Caifu, a Hong Kong-based columnist, argues that “the most direct consequence of this rail accident has been to ignite middle-class anger.” In one example of media criticism of the crash, an announcer on state-run CCTV turned to the cameras and, instead of reading the news, launched into a diatribe of classic middle-class complaining. “Can we live in apartments that do not fall down?” he asked. “Can the roads we drive on in our cities not collapse? Can we travel in safe trains?” The poor don’t live in city apartments, drive cars or travel on bullet trains.

中国的大连是一个富裕的港口城市，一直以来与不断增长的中产阶级有关。位于北京的中国政法大学的杨洋说：“中产阶级对政府的影响要比普通老百姓的影响大的多。”高速铁路系统主要是中产阶级关心的问题，因为只有中国新的精英分子才能承担的起高铁票价。香港专栏作家潘彩富认为“动车事故最直接的后果是点燃了中产阶级的怒火。”媒体对事故评论的一个例子，国家运营的中央电视台的一名播音员转向镜头不是播报新闻，而是进行对中产阶级抱怨的诽谤中，他问道：“我们居住的公寓能够不倒塌么，城市中我们行驶的道理能够不坍塌么，我们可以乘坐安全的火车么？”而穷人不住城市公寓，不开车、也不会乘坐高铁。

In other emerging markets the influence of the new middle classes is less clear- cut. But Chile suffered a general strike last week, in part over the role of the public sector in education, a common middle-class concern. And among the many reasons for the Arab spring was a sense that paternalistic autocracies are no way to run well-educated, Twitter-using societies. The “people who are better off, who want new opportunities…Those are the people that are inspiring the new language of politics in the Middle East,” says Vali Nasr, a former adviser to Barack Obama’s administration.

其他新兴市场中，新的中产阶级的影响要比这小一些。但是上周智力遭遇了大罢工，部分是因为公共部门在中产阶级普遍关心的教育问题上扮演的角色。对于阿拉伯爆发家长作风的独裁政府无法适用于受过教育、使用微博的社会。“富裕的人们、想要新的机会的人们才是将政治新语言在中东发扬广大的人。”奥巴马前管理顾问Vali Nasr这样说。

In some ways, the surprise is not that this is happening now but that it has taken so long. For years, the new middle classes have been politically quiescent in emerging markets. In China they have kept themselves to themselves as a result of the implicit social contract offered by the Communist Party: you let us rule and we will let you get rich. For different reasons, the upshot in democracies has been similar. The new elites of India and Brazil have been less politically influential than either the poor (who are more electorally important because of their numbers) or the old elite, entrenched in positions of power. In India, the urban middle classes are said to vote in smaller numbers than the rural poor, whereas in Brazil both Ms Rousseff and her predecessor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, owed their elections to strong backing from the poorest. The middle classes have been quiescent also because, by and large, the liberalising and modernising policies pursued by India, China and Brazil have benefited their members. Until now, theirs has been a silent revolution.

某种程度上，让人吃惊的不是正在发生着什么，而是发生了多久。多年来，新兴市场的新中产阶级在政治上一直保持沉默。在中国，由于共产党提供的绝对社会契约，他们只能不与人来往。你让我们来统治，我们会让你变得富有。虽然原因不同，但是民主的结果是类似的。印度和巴西新精英在政治影响力的不但比穷人要小（因为穷人的数量多，所以他们在选举方面更加重要），而且比年长的精英也少，他们借助于权利确立了他们的社会地位。在印度，据说城市里的中产阶级比农村的贫困人口投票要少，而在巴西，罗塞夫富人和其前任路易斯•伊纳西奥•卢拉•达席尔瓦都是归功于最贫穷人的大力支持才赢得选举。总体上来说，中产阶级一直保持沉默另一个原因就是，印度、中国和巴西追求的自由和现代化政策使中产阶级收益。直到现在，他们已经开始了一场悄无声息的革命。

There is no single explanation for the new middle-class activism. Given the rise in their numbers, it was probably bound to happen at some point. The spread of micro-blogging services has surely made some difference. Sina Weibo claims 140m users, mostly from China’s urban middle class. They posted 10m messages about the rail crash within days. The emerging giants have lost some of their economic sizzle lately, which might have had an effect—not (as in the West) by cutting jobs and government services, but by casting doubts on the cult of growth. Some observers (including, it seems, the Chinese Communist Party) have even worried that demonstrators might be emboldened to copy the Arab spring, though that seems far-fetched.

新中产阶级激进主义没有单一的解释。考虑到他们的人数上升，这可能是注定要在某时刻发生的。微博服务的传播确实带来一些变化。新浪微博宣称有1.4亿用户，大部分来自中国城市中产阶级。他们在几天时间内发布了一千万条关于动车事故的微博。近来，中国这个新兴巨擎已经失去了一些经济前景，这可能带来影响——不是（像西方国家一样）通过裁员和减少政府服务，而是通过对经济的强劲增长产生怀疑。一些观察家（似乎包括中国共产党）甚至担心示威者可能放胆去复制阿拉伯暴乱，虽然看起来很牵强。

In contrast to the unrest in Middle Eastern countries, the middle-class activism of India and China is not aimed at bringing governments down. Rather, a narrower concern animates them: corruption. Mr Hazare wants to set up an anti-corruption ombudsman. The rail crash stirred the ire of China’s middle classes partly because of corruption in the rail ministry: online photos of the rail minister’s collection of watches went viral. In another emerging giant, Indonesia, the biggest problem for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is an investigation into $350m-worth of government contracts by the Corruption Eradication Commission. The former treasurer of his ruling party fled to Colombia the day before the commission was due to obtain a warrant keeping him at home. He subsequently implicated other high-ranking officials in a scam and has now been brought back to face charges.

与动荡不安的中东国家相反，印度和中国的中产阶级的激进主义的目的不是使政府垮台。相反，他们关注更为狭窄的方面：腐败。哈扎尔想要建立一个反腐败特派员。动车事故激发了中国的中产阶级愤怒，部分原因是由于铁道部的腐败：铁道部部长收集的手表的照片在网上疯狂流传。另一个新兴巨头印尼，对总统苏西洛来说最大的问题是一项由消除腐败委员会着手进行的调查，调查内容是价值3.5亿美元的政府合同。在委员会获得将其拘禁在家中的逮捕证的前一天，执政党的前财务大臣逃到哥伦比亚，随后他牵连了其他高级官员进入骗局，现在他已被带回国面临指控。

From anti-corruption to pro-democracy
从反对腐败到支持民主

This focus on corruption suggests that, at the moment, middle-class activism is a protest movement rather than a political force in the broader sense. It is an attempt to reform the government, not replace it. But that could change. In most middle-income countries, corruption is more than just a matter of criminality; it is also the product of an old way of doing politics, one that is unaccountable, untransparent and undemocratic. Ashutosh Varshney, at the Institute of Social and Economic Change in Bangalore, also argues that richer Indians resent corruption less because of the money wasted—which they can afford—than because they want clean government for its own sake: “the middle class is asserting its citizenship right to get government services without a bribe.”

把注意力集中到腐败这一点表明：目前，广义上来说，中产阶级激进主义是一种抗议运动，而不是一股政治力量。他们试图让政府改革，而不是取代它。但那是可以改变的。在大多数中等收入国家，腐败不仅仅是一种犯罪行为，也是以旧方式从事政治的后果，这个后果是无法解释的、不透明的、非民主的。班加罗尔社会和经济变化学院的Ashutosh Varshney认为，富裕的印度人不那么憎恨腐败的原因是资金被浪费了——这些浪费他们承担得起，他们想要政府清廉是出于自己的目的：“中产阶级维护他们的公民权利，不需要贿赂就能获得政府服务。

In these circumstances, anti-corruption protests could easily morph into something wider. It used to be said that the emerging middle classes would not be politically active. Now they are “just” objecting to corruption. Both arguments underestimate the consequences of the middle- class rise. As Marx said, “historically, [the bourgeoisie] played a most revolutionary part” in Europe. In emerging markets, that revolution now looks closer.

在这些情况下，反腐抗议很容易演变成范围更广的情况。过去人们常说，新兴中产阶级在政治不会活跃。现在，他们“只是”反对腐败。两种观点都低估了中产阶级增长的后果。正如马克思所说：“历史上，（资产阶级）在在欧洲扮演了最具革命性的部分”。在新兴市场，这个革命现在看起来越来越近。

from the print edition | Briefing

引用 零度天堂 2011-9-3 10:06

本帖最后由 零度天堂 于 2011-9-3 10:09 编辑

1 billion yuan ($152m)
10亿元（1520万美元）?
应该是一亿五千两百万美元吧?

引用 kool 2011-9-3 15:07

粗粗看了一下，似乎理解没有大问题，但翻的时候似乎有点赶，好几句就不通顺。还有几处不太忠实原文。建议楼主在通读一遍。

这篇文章至少有一个问题，中产阶级定义不明，前面的图表的定义是$2 - $13/20 a day，也就是130人民币一天，按一个月下来，无非是三千（20多天的工作日）一月
而后文提到中国的中产的评论，明显是高于这个收入的阶层，

印度不敢说，这篇文章对中国的描写是比较肤浅的。根本没有看到问题的实质。

引用 aubreychen 2011-9-3 16:20

我在大连啊，那个周末人民广场示威的消息还是从出租车司机那里听来的。这个项目之前建设的时候就引起过大家挺大的不满。但是后来也没什么用。
当然搬迁了，也算是不大不小的胜利吧。

引用 我爱的人了 2011-9-3 20:58

我表示翻译有点问题

引用 angelnana00 2011-9-4 00:12

每次看楼主的文章，都累得要死
新中产阶级的崛起

引用 tominheaven 2011-9-4 06:11

【新中产不是中国社会唯一的表达者】这篇文章关注了新中产的问题，但一方面中下层的冲突模型就没有被考虑，如强拆和城管执法冲突，这些冲突主体不应归为所谓的中产阶级。另一方面，移民潮的主体则是更富裕的阶层，甚至是官僚阶层——中国目前的矛盾是全面的，表达方式也是多样的。不能只看到某一个阶层的某一类显性表达。

引用 xb3031 2011-9-4 10:39

本帖最后由 xb3031 于 2011-9-4 11:05 编辑

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确实有点赶时间，很多地方草草了事

刚才又仔细读了两遍，修改了一些地方

其中有几个地方的处理还存在一点问题，罗列如下，请教版主


1、That event is usually seen as the first big example of a new willingness by China’s middle class to confront the government over environmental abuses.
其中的“new willingness” 有点问题~~

2、The most plausible one is that India and China—and possibly other emerging markets, too—areexperiencing the early stirrings of political demands by the growing ranks of their middle classes.
印度和中国最可能出现的困境就是经历中产阶级不断增长的规模对政治需求的早期浪潮，当然也可能出现在其他新兴国家。

此句中的“experiencing the early stirrings” 理解有些问题，求解答！

3、Manu Joseph, editor of Open, an Indian weekly magazine, calls the protests in support of Mr Hazare “a self-righteous middle-class uprising”.

self-righteous：believing that your ideas and behaviour are morally better than those of other people
该单词（self-righteous）用中文哪个词表达比较贴切？

4、And among the many reasons for the Arab spring was a sense that paternalistic autocracies are no way to run well-educated, Twitter-using societies.
这里的Arab spring 是指阿拉伯国家不断出现的冲突么？是对中东冲突的总体性概括还是特指某个事件？


5、In China they have kept themselves to themselves as a result of the implicit social contract offered by the Communist Party: you let us rule and we will let you get rich.
此句两个地方没理解，一个是“kept themselves to themselves”，另一个是“implicit social contract ”特别是“implicit”一词。

引用 xb3031 2011-9-4 11:07

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谢谢版主指点，通篇大部分都修改润色了

但是还有一些问题没有明白，我罗列在楼上了

希望版主能指点迷津

谢谢

引用 kool 2011-9-4 13:26

keep (themselves) to themselves
If people keep (themselves) to themselves, they do not socialize with other people

social contract 来自社会契约论。其实这里没有那么玄，就是政府和人民之间的一个默契，不成文的规矩，要翻译成 隐式的社会契约 可能更合原文装b的本质 ：）

Arab Spring，指的是去年突尼斯抗议以来阿拉伯世界的一系列抗议/敏感词 活动，包括最近代利比亚。不算什么正式定义的词，只是新闻界这么使用而已。不过估计这个词本身也是敏感词了。
The Arab Spring (Arabic: الثورات العربية‎; literally the Arabic Rebellions or the Arab Revolutions) is a revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests occurring in the Arab world. Since 18 December 2010 there have been revolutions in Tunisia[2] and Egypt;[3] a civil war in Libya;[4] civil uprisings in Bahrain,[5] Syria,[6] and Yemen;[7] major protests in Algeria,[8] Iraq,[9] Jordan,[10] Morocco,[11] and Oman,[12] and minor protests in Kuwait,[13] Lebanon,[14] Mauritania,[15] Saudi Arabia,[16] Sudan,[17] and Western Sahara.[18] Clashes at the borders of Israel in May 2011 have also been inspired by the regional Arab Spring.[19] The protests have shared techniques of civil resistance in sustained campaigns involving strikes, demonstrations, marches and rallies, as well as the use of social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Skype, to organize, communicate, and raise awareness in the face of state attempts at repression and internet censorship. Many demonstrations have also met violent responses from authorities, as well as from pro-government militias and counter-demonstrators. A major slogan of the demonstrators in the Arab world has been Ash-sha`b yurid isqat an-nizam ("The people want to bring down the regime").

self-righteous
中文有人作，自以为是的。似乎稍微偏重，不过英文本身也的确是贬义。

引用 join_soon 2011-9-4 13:42

本帖最后由 join_soon 于 2011-9-4 13:44 编辑

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1、That event is usually seen as the first big example of a new willingness by China’s middle class to confront the government over environmental abuses.
其中的“new willingness” 有点问题~~

－－－－现在开始愿意　（以前不愿意，能吃饱饭就可以，管学生那点事干嘛）。

2、The most plausible one is that India and China—and possibly other emerging markets, too—areexperiencing the early stirrings of political demands by the growing ranks of their middle classes.
印度和中国最可能出现的困境就是经历中产阶级不断增长的规模对政治需求的早期浪潮，当然也可能出现在其他新兴国家。

此句中的“experiencing the early stirrings” 理解有些问题，求解答！

－－－－可以。”浪潮“有点大。
3、Manu Joseph, editor of Open, an Indian weekly magazine, calls the protests in support of Mr Hazare “a self-righteous middle-class uprising”.

self-righteous：believing that your ideas and behaviour are morally better than those of other people
该单词（self-righteous）用中文哪个词表达比较贴切？

－－－－自恃正义，自感正义，自我感觉正义，

4、And among the many reasons for the Arab spring was a sense that paternalistic autocracies are no way to run well-educated, Twitter-using societies.
这里的Arab spring 是指阿拉伯国家不断出现的冲突么？是对中东冲突的总体性概括还是特指某个事件？

－－－－就是最近阿拉伯国家的民主运动　（唉，你怎么了，睡觉呢？还是国内媒体太“那个”了，把这一系列的事件说得全变味了？）

5、In China they have kept themselves to themselves as a result of the implicit social contract offered by the Communist Party: you let us rule and we will let you get rich.
此句两个地方没理解，一个是“kept themselves to themselves”，另一个是“implicit social contract ”特别是“implicit”一词。

－－－－暗含的，暗示的。其实，已经够明显了，老江的闷声大发财就是那个意思，我让你们大发财，只要你们闷声就行。不过，这毕竟没有写进红头文件，也没有进人民日报社论。

引用 ideaismoney 2011-9-4 21:40

But the woe is not all on one side. Despite their economic achievements, the likes of China, India, Indonesia and Brazil—to say nothing of the Middle East—are suffering discontent almost as profound as the malaise in the West.
如果我们撇开那些中东国家不说，困境不仅仅存在于西方发达国家，对于像中国，印度，印尼和巴西这样的国家，他们虽然已经取得了些许成就，但国内民众的不满和西方国家所遭受的困境一样深重。

引用 Freeman_Gong 2011-9-6 10:15

求助贴：
            英文报纸网站里，如何识别消息、社论和特写这三种文体呢？请明白人指点指点，在下看了很久没有看出名堂，因高口阅读需要，实在很急！！！！

引用 oye 2011-9-6 10:22

本帖最后由 oye 于 2011-9-6 10:24 编辑

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搬迁估计花了几十亿或是百亿的纳税人的银子

引用 lileah 2011-9-7 22:16

1.In some ways, the surprise is not that this is happening now but that it has taken so long.
对这句话我的理解it是形式主语，后面省略了真正的主语“for this to happen",而this指代上一段引用的那些话，中产阶级发出政治呼声，所以我觉得应该译为：从某种程度上说，真正令人吃惊的不是现在发生的事，而是历经了这么久才发生这样的事。
2.n most middle-income countries, corruption is more than just a matter of criminality; it is also the product of an old way of doing politics, one that is unaccountable, untransparent and undemocratic.
个人认为后面这句话中的one是指旧从政方式，而unaccountable是指不可信赖之意
在大多数中等收入国家，腐败不仅仅是犯罪问题，还是旧从政方式的产物，那种不可靠，不透明，不民主的政治作风的恶果。
3.richer Indians resent corruption less because of the money wasted—which they can afford—than because they want clean government for its own sake
注意是for its own sake 不是for their sake， its 应该指政府，所以应该是为了政府本身，而不是为了印度富人
印度富人对腐败的憎恨与其说是因金钱的浪费——这点他们能承受得起——不如说是他们纯粹想要一个清廉的政府。

引用 xb3031 2011-9-8 10:27

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谢谢修改和指点～～
已修改

引用 xingzd2011 2011-9-8 21:56

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