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[2010.12.02] 争取基督徒

2010-12-7 07:41| 发布者: lilywizardry| 查看: 4081| 评论: 4|原作者: dqzxf

摘要: 部分人主张改善土耳其基督徒的境遇

045 Europe - Religious freedom in Turkey.mp3

本文由译者 dqzxf 提供 点击此处阅读双语版

土耳其与宗教自由

争取基督徒

部分人主张改善土耳其基督徒的境遇

库尔德部落参与了奥斯曼帝国1915年对亚美尼亚人的大屠杀,约100万亚美尼亚人遇害。这件事人所共知。玛拉哈迪(Mala Hadi)是迪亚巴克尔的一个伊斯兰教长,他说:“与奥斯曼人相勾结的库尔德牧师们信誓旦旦地允诺,只要杀了一个异教徒就能得到进入天堂的奖赏,这个天堂有700栋豪宅,每栋都有700间房子,而每间房内都有700个天堂美女供他们享乐。”

这位教长是屈指可数的几位地方领导人之一,他们主张与库尔德地区曾经人口众多的基督徒达成和解。阿卜杜拉•德米尔巴什(Abdullah Demirbas)是迪亚巴克尔市古老的苏尔区(自治市)的市长,他承诺道“我们准备面对过去,赔罪道歉。”为了赎罪,德米尔巴什一直在为恢复苏尔区内的基督教古迹提供资金和材料。只剩残垣断壁的圣格拉格斯(Surp Giragos)亚美尼亚东正教大教堂也在其中之列,直到不久前,毒贩们还出没于这里成堆的垃圾间进行着毒品交易。现在这里干干净净,甚至有了一个值得夸耀的新屋顶。

然而在邻近的马尔丁省,库尔德人继续骚扰屈指可数的那几个留下来的基督徒。他们的主要目标是圣加布里埃尔叙利亚东正教修道院。这个已有1600年历史的修道院坐落在一处偏僻的山颠上,教会领导人说,数百年来他们一直拥这片土地的所有权,但一直无法注册,原因是官僚们有意设置障碍。现在他们面临着争夺其所有权的五项独立的诉讼。其中两起诉讼是由被切莱比部落控制的库尔德人村庄提起的。一些人谴责这个部落曾参与了1915年的杀戮,现在这个部落又派人参加政府组织的库尔德民兵与闹分裂的库尔德工人党武装进行火拼。这个部落的一个首领苏莱曼•切莱比(Suleyman Celebi),是一名支持执政的正义与发展党(AK)的国会议员。其余的诉讼是政府提起的,政府起诉的部分依据是这样一条法律,即闲置了20年以上的耕地,国家可以作为“森林”收回。

“使命”(Missio)是一家德国天主教慈善机构,来自该机构的奥特马尔•厄林(Otmar Oehring )称该案件“毫无根据”,并说“政府的行动表明它希望消灭这所修道院。”他指出,居住在米迪亚特(Midyat)城内及周围的约2000名叙利亚东正教基督徒受到了系统的迫害。“修道院外的叙利亚东正教社区不断受到攻击,村庄周围的土地经常被人放火焚烧。”他在上个月发表的一份报告中评论道:“虽然袭击者的身份不明,但当地人认为不是本地的库尔德人就是土耳其军队干的,或者两者兼而有之。”

米迪亚特的叙利亚东正教徒们面临的困境与正义与发展党努力改善其境内基督徒待遇的承诺背道而驰。土耳其希望加入欧盟,而欧盟开出的主要条件之一就是给与非穆斯林少数民族更大的自由。正义与发展党政府已经做出了一系列的姿态:归还了凡城(Van)的亚美尼亚教堂,并开放进行礼拜活动(尽管只有一次);允许在学校自由使用亚美尼亚语的教科书;由埃尔多安总理发布命令,不得虐待基督徒。塞缪尔•阿克塔什(Samuel Aktas)是负责圣加布里埃尔修道院的主教,他对上述姿态丝毫没有什么感觉。他曾发誓要将他们目前的处境上诉至欧洲人权法院。他宣布道:“面对这些不公,我过去一直保持着沉默;但现在不再沉默了。”


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引用 dqzxf 2010-12-6 21:32
为便于大家学习,上一张土耳其地图。

引用 dqzxf 2010-12-6 21:40
阿卜杜拉•德米尔巴什(Abdullah Demirbas)市长的官邸

引用 dqzxf 2010-12-6 21:43
下面一篇文章可以让大家对阿卜杜拉•德米尔巴什(Abdullah Demirbas)市长加深点印象:

Reading children books in Diyarbakir
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mayor Abdullah Demirbas has 17 accusations against him raised by the Turkish state. The case has reached the High Court, where he is facing charges against both criminal law and administrative law. If found guilty, he can be sentenced to prison, and both he and the entire local parliament can be forced to resign.

So what are your crimes, Mr Demirbas, I ask him. We are sitting in his office, over looking the old stone wall in Diyarbakir. The Sur municipality is the most central and historic one in the city. The mayor's table is solid dark wood, and occupies a great deal of space; he is tall and well-built, behind him on the wall there is a tiny tiny picture of Atatürk. According to Turkish law all municipal mayors' offices have to have one, but the mayor can at least decide the size. Before he answers my question he brings us bags with books. "I published fairy tales in both Kurdish and Turkish. There are five books containing 365 tales, for parents to have one for every night of the year. That is one crime."

The Turkish nation state is based on the Atatürk idea that neither ethnic minorities nor languages other than Turkish exist. Momentarily they did, when Turkey signed the European Union Treaty for Minority Rights during the EU-membership negotiations. The Kurds seemed to have thought that Turkish membership would take a path over the Kurdish issue. In the Kurdish region, in the eastern part of the country there were rallies organised in favour of the EU and Turkey becoming member state. At the same time as the Left in Europe organised in campaign groups to vote against the euro and the constitution, mobilising enormous protests at EU summits against what was primarily seen as a neo-liberal project, the left in Kurdistan saw the EU as a possible liberator.

Abdullah Demirbas is a shiny happy mayor. Whatever story he tells he smiles. He shows us the municipal activity report he also published both in Kurdish and in Turkish, another reason for criminal charges. I find a cd in the bag that says Linux and I ask him what it is. "It is the Linux translation program for Kurdish." Another crime. He is upset about the Turkish government double standards, charging him but at the same time telling the EU that they have changed the law. But foremost he is happy, because his citizens are very happy about the children books and about the Linux program.

Kurdistan is the region in the eastern part of Turkey inhabited by 10-12 million Kurds. In 1984, PKK and a national liberation front started the struggle for Kurdish rights, a state or a region with a high level of autonomy and socialism. The guerrilla was both left and nationalist. Struggle was intensified in the 90s. During a large part of the 1990s, there was a constant war. On one side there was the liberation front, on the other the Turkish army and Kurds their forced in as allies. As in Viet Nam the Turkish army applied a system of village guards, giving arms to Kurds to fight other Kurds. During the war the Turkish state burnt down 4 000 villages and thousands of trees and fields. People fled to the cities.

In a few years Diyarbakir grew from 300 000 thousand to the current nearly one million inhabitants. Neither infrastructure nor services were prepared for that influx of people. Most of the present-day elected mayors were in prison then. When they finally got out most of the Kurdish municipalities were in the hands of Kurdish Muslim, fundamentalist and corrupt administrations. The mayor of Yenisehir, Firat Anli, had to face both a bad economy from the time of corruption and hundreds of major and minor restrictions which the Turkish government puts on local governance. Before the left was elected as mayors, in the Kurdish region the municipalities owned land; directly after elections 1999 the state reclaimed it. They cannot plan, cannot build. "We even pay rent for the house I sit in", says the mayor in despair. A map of the city inevitably makes associations to Belfast or Gaza; where services could be given to the people land is occupied by the military.

In post war Diyarbakir the level of illiteracy is high, among women it is above 50 percent. Lack of services and infrastructure makes people's lives complicated. That is why festivals for children, initiatives for women and conferences for political activists are highly appreciated. And the line between what you can and cannot do is thin. The women's centres can have English courses but if they organise a Kurdish class they would have to shut down. At a festival, mayor Demirbas made a banner that stated: Every human being has rights. It hung proudly in two languages: Turkish and Kurdish. That was another crime.

The mayor claims that he did not do all the bilingual activities to test the law. He is surprised, he declares, by the hard reactions. Most of the left mayors in the Kurdish region are facing criminal charges. Demirbas had to resign as head of the teachers' union in the region because of a booklet in Kurdish.

Turkey is in political turmoil. The Islamists won the last elections in Turkey but the military are still running the country. They did not accept them as winners. New elections will be held on July 22. For a political party to get into parliament you have to pass a 10 per cent limit, which guarantees that minority voices are unheard.

Children in the Sur municipality are far from those realities. Mayor Demirbas has introduced a children's parliament where they debate things they want for their neighbourhood. Among them, the books are appreciated. Children would never be able to afford to read children books in Diyarbakir as frequently as they do without the municipal initiative.

Within one month the court will have their say in the Demirbas case. Petitions from members of the European Parliament are coming in. The EU-commissionaire responsible for Turkish membership negotiations has stated that the outcome can have affects for the future of Turkey in the EU. It will also affect the mayor and his children books.

Tuesday, May 29, 2007
引用 dqzxf 2010-12-6 21:45
本帖最后由 dqzxf 于 2010-12-6 21:46 编辑

圣加布里埃尔修道院(Mor Gabriel)

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